Condoleezza Rice
her speech of January 18 2005
Opening Statement by Dr. Condoleezza Rice
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Washington, D.C.
January 18,
2005
Thank you Chairman Lugar, Senator Biden, and Members of the
Committee. And let me also thank Senator Dianne Feinstein who, as a fellow
Californian, I have long admired as a leader on behalf of our state and our
nation.
Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, it is an honor to be
nominated to lead the State Department at this critical time - a time of
challenge and hope and opportunity for America, and for the entire world.
September 11th, 2001, was a defining moment for our nation and the
world. Under the vision and leadership of President Bush, our nation has
risen to meet the challenges of our time: fighting tyranny and terror, and
securing the blessings of freedom and prosperity for a new generation. The
work that America and our allies have undertaken, and the sacrifices we have
made, have been difficult and necessary and right. Now is the time to
build on these achievements to make the world safer, and to make the world
more free. We must use American diplomacy to help create a balance of
power in the world that favors freedom. And the time for diplomacy is now.
I am humbled by President Bush's confidence in me to undertake the great
work of leading American diplomacy at such a moment in history. If
confirmed, I will work with members of Congress, from both sides of the aisle,
to build a strong bipartisan consensus behind America's foreign policy. I
will seek to strengthen our alliances, to support our friends, and to make the
world safer, and better. I will enlist the great talents of the men and
women of the State Department, the Foreign and Civil Services and our Foreign
Service Nationals. And if I am confirmed, I will be especially honored to
succeed a man I so admire my friend and mentor, Colin Powell.
Four
years ago, Secretary Powell addressed this committee for the same purpose I do
now. Then as now, it was the same week that America celebrates the life
and legacy of Doctor Martin Luther King, Jr. It is a time to reflect on
the legacy of that great man, on the sacrifices he made, on the courage of the
people he led, and on the progress our nation has made in the decades
since. I am especially indebted to those who fought and sacrificed in the
Civil Rights movement so that I could be here today.
For me, this is a
time to remember other heroes as well. I grew up in Birmingham, Alabama
the old Birmingham of Bull Connor, church bombings, and voter intimidation the
Birmingham where Dr. King was thrown in jail for demonstrating without a
permit. Yet there was another Birmingham, the city where my parents -
John and Angelena Rice - and their friends built a thriving community in the
midst of the most terrible segregation in the country. It would have been
so easy for them to give in to despair, and to send that message of hopelessness
to their children. But they refused to allow the limits and injustices of
their time to limit our horizons. My friends and I were raised to believe
that we could do or become anything - that the only limits to our aspirations
came from within. We were taught not to listen to those who said to us,
"No, you can't."
The story of Birmingham's parents and teachers and
children is a story of the triumph of universal values over adversity. And
those values - a belief in democracy, and liberty, and the dignity of every
life, and the rights of every individual - unite Americans of all backgrounds,
all faiths, and all colors. They provide us a common cause in all times, a
rallying point in difficult times, and a source of hope to men and women across
the globe who cherish freedom and work to advance freedom's cause. And in
these extraordinary times, it is the duty of all of us - legislators,
diplomats, civil servants, and citizens - to uphold and advance the values that
are the core of the American identity, and that have lifted the lives of
millions around the world.
One of history's clearest lessons is that
America is safer, and the world is more secure, whenever and wherever freedom
prevails. It is neither an accident nor a coincidence that the greatest
threats of the last century emerged from totalitarian movements. Fascism
and Communism differed in many ways, but they shared an implacable hatred of
freedom, a fanatical assurance that their way was the only way, and a supreme
confidence that history was on their side.
At certain moments, it almost
seemed to be so. During the first half of the 20th century much of the
democratic and economic progress of earlier decades looked to be swept away by
the march of ruthless ideologies armed with terrible military and technological
power. Even after the allied victory in World War Two, many feared that
Europe, and perhaps the world, would be forced to permanently endure half
enslaved and half free. The cause of freedom suffered a series of major
strategic setbacks: Communism imposed in Eastern Europe Soviet power dominant
in East Germany the coup in Czechoslovakia ... the victory of the Chinese
Communists ... the Soviet nuclear test five years before we predicted ... to
name just a few. In those early years, the prospect of a united democratic
Germany and a democratic Japan seemed far-fetched.
Yet America and our
allies were blessed with visionary leaders who did not lose their way.
They created the great NATO alliance to contain and eventually erode Soviet
power. They helped to establish the United Nations and created the
international legal framework for this and other institutions that have served
the world well for more than 50 years. They provided billions in aid to
rebuild Europe and much of Asia. They built an international economic
system based on free trade and free markets to spread prosperity to every corner
of the globe. And they confronted the ideology and propaganda of our
enemies with a message of hope, and with the truth. And in the end -
though the end was long in coming - their vision prevailed.
The
challenges we face today are no less daunting. America and the free world
are once again engaged in a long-term struggle against an ideology of tyranny
and terror, and against hatred and hopelessness. And we must confront
these challenges with the same vision, courage and boldness of thought
demonstrated by our post-World War Two leaders.
In these momentous
times, American diplomacy has three great tasks. First, we will unite the
community of democracies in building an international system that is based on
our shared values and the rule of law. Second, we will strengthen the
community of democracies to fight the threats to our common security and
alleviate the hopelessness that feeds terror. And third, we will spread
freedom and democracy throughout the globe. That is the mission that
President Bush has set for America in the world ... and the great mission of
American diplomacy today.
Let me address each of the three tasks I just
mentioned. Every nation that benefits from living on the right side of the
freedom divide has an obligation to share freedom's blessings. Our first
challenge, then, is to inspire the American people, and the people of all free
nations, to unite in common cause to solve common problems. NATO and the
European Union and our democratic allies in East Asia and around the world
will be our strongest partners in this vital work. The United States will
also continue to work to support and uphold the system of international rules
and treaties that allow us to take advantage of our freedom, to build our
economies, and to keep us safe and secure.
We must remain united in
insisting that Iran and North Korea abandon their nuclear weapons ambitions, and
choose instead the path of peace. New forums that emerge from the Broader
Middle East and North Africa Initiative offer the ideal venues to encourage
economic, social and democratic reform in the Islamic world. Implementing
the Doha Development Agenda and reducing trade barriers will create jobs and
reduce poverty in dozens of nations. And by standing with the free peoples
of Iraq and Afghanistan, we will continue to bring hope to millions, and
democracy to a part of the world where it is sorely lacking.
As
President Bush said in our National Security Strategy, America "is guided by the
conviction that no nation can build a safer, better world alone. Alliances
and multilateral institutions can multiply the strength of freedom-loving
nations." If I am confirmed, that core conviction will guide my actions.
Yet when judging a course of action, I will never forget that the true measure
of its worth is whether it is effective.
Our second great task is to
strengthen the community of democracies, so that all free nations are equal to
the work before us. Free peoples everywhere are heartened by the success
of democracy around the globe. Together, we must build on that success.
We face many challenges. In some parts of the world, an extremist
few threaten the very existence of political liberty. Disease and poverty
have the potential to destabilize whole nations and regions. Corruption
can sap the foundations of democracy. And some elected leaders have taken
illiberal steps that, if not corrected, could undermine hard-won democratic
progress.
We must do all we can to ensure that nations which make the
hard choices and do the hard work to join the free world deliver on the high
hopes of their citizens for a better life. From the Philippines to
Colombia to the nations of Africa, we are strengthening counterterrorism
cooperation with nations that have the will to fight terror, but need help with
the means. We are spending billions to fight AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria
and other diseases, to alleviate suffering for millions and help end public
health crises. America has always been generous in helping countries
recover from natural disasters - and today we are providing money and personnel
to ease the suffering of millions afflicted by the tsunami, and to help nations
rebuild their infrastructure. We are joining with developing nations to
fight corruption, instill the rule of law, and create a culture of
transparency. In much of Africa and Latin America, we face the twin
challenges of helping to bolster democratic ideals and institutions, and
alleviating poverty. We will work with reformers in those regions who are
committed to increasing opportunity for their peoples. And we will insist
that leaders who are elected democratically have an obligation to govern
democratically.
Our third great task is to spread democracy and freedom
throughout the world. I spoke earlier of the grave setbacks to democracy
in the first half of the 20th century. The second half of the century saw
an advance of democracy that was far more dramatic. In the last quarter of
that century, the number of democracies in the world tripled. And in the
last six months of this new century alone, we have witnessed the peaceful,
democratic transfer of power in Malaysia - a majority-Muslim nation - and in
Indonesia - the country with the world's largest Muslim population. We
have seen men and women wait in line for hours to vote in Afghanistan's
first-ever free and fair presidential election. We - and I know you Mr.
Chairman --- were heartened by the refusal of the people of Ukraine to accept a
flawed election, and their insistence that their democratic will be
honored. We have watched as the people of the Palestinian Territories
turned out to vote in an orderly and fair election. And soon the people of
Iraq will exercise their right to choose their leaders, and set the course of
their nation's future. No less than were the last decades of the 20th
century, the first decades of this new century can be an era of liberty.
And we in America must do everything we can to make it so.
To be sure,
in our world there remain outposts of tyranny - and America stands with
oppressed people on every continent ... in Cuba, and Burma, and North Korea, and
Iran, and Belarus, and Zimbabwe. The world should apply what Natan
Sharansky calls the "town square test": if a person cannot walk into the middle
of the town square and express his or her views without fear of arrest,
imprisonment, or physical harm, then that person is living in a fear society,
not a free society. We cannot rest until every person living in a "fear
society" has finally won their freedom.
In the Middle East, President
Bush has broken with six decades of excusing and accommodating the lack of
freedom in the hope of purchasing stability at the price of liberty. The
stakes could not be higher. As long as the broader Middle East remains a
region of tyranny and despair and anger, it will produce extremists and
movements that threaten the safety of Americans and our friends.
But
there are hopeful signs that freedom is on the march. Afghanistan and Iraq
are struggling to put dark and terrible pasts behind them, and are choosing the
path of progress. Just months ago, Afghanistan held a free and fair
election, and chose a president who is committed to the success of democracy and
to the fight against terror. In Iraq, the people will soon take the next
step in their journey toward full, genuine democracy. All Iraqis, whatever
their faith or ethnicity - from Shias to Sunnis to Kurds - must build a common
future together. The election later this month will be an important first
step as the people of Iraq prepare to draft a constitution and hold the next
round of elections - elections that will create a permanent government.
The success of freedom in Afghanistan and Iraq will give strength and
hope to reformers throughout the region, and accelerate the pace of reforms
already underway. From Morocco to Jordan to Bahrain, we are seeing
elections and new protections for women and minorities, and the beginnings of
political pluralism. Political, civil, and business leaders have issued
stirring calls for political, economic and social change. Increasingly,
the people are speaking, and their message is clear: the future of the region is
to live in liberty.
And the establishment of a Palestinian democracy
will help to bring an end to the conflict in the Holy Land. Much has
changed since June 24th, 2002, when President Bush outlined a new approach for
America in the quest for peace in the Middle East, and spoke the truth about
what will be required to end this conflict. Now we have reached a moment
of opportunity - and we must seize it. We take great encouragement from
the elections just held for a new Palestinian leader. And Senators Biden
and Sununu, I want to thank you for representing the United States at these
historic elections. America seeks justice and dignity and a viable,
independent, and democratic state for the Palestinian people. We seek
security and peace for the State of Israel. Israel must do its part to
improve the conditions under which Palestinians live and seek to build a better
future. Arab states must join to help - and deny any help or solace to
those who take the path of violence. I look forward to personally working
with the Palestinian and Israeli leaders, and bringing American diplomacy to
bear on this difficult but crucial issue. Peace can only come if all
parties choose to do the difficult work, and choose to meet their
responsibilities. And the time to choose peace is now.
Building a
world of hope, prosperity and peace is difficult. As we move forward,
America's relations with the world's global powers will be critical. In
Russia, we see that the path to democracy is uneven and that its success is not
yet assured. Yet recent history shows that we can work closely with Russia
on common problems. And as we do so, we will continue to press the case
for democracy, and we will continue to make clear that the protection of
democracy in Russia is vital to the future of U.S.-Russia relations. In
Asia, we have moved beyond the false assumption that it is impossible to have
good relations with all of Asia's powers. Our Asian alliances have never
been stronger - and we will use that strength to help secure the peace and
prosperity of the region. Japan, South Korea, and Australia are key
partners in our efforts to deter common threats and spur economic growth.
We are building a candid, cooperative and constructive relationship with China
that embraces our common interests but still recognizes our considerable
differences about values. The United States is cooperating with India, the
world's largest democracy, across a range of economic and security issues.
This, even as we embrace Pakistan as a vital ally in the war on terror, and a
state in transition towards a more moderate and democratic future. In our
own neighborhood, we are cooperating closely with Canada and Mexico, and working
to realize the vision of a fully democratic hemisphere, bound by common values
and free trade.
We also must realize that America and all free nations
are facing a generational struggle against a new and deadly ideology of hatred
that we cannot ignore. We need to do much more to confront hateful
propaganda, dispel dangerous myths, and get out the truth. We will
increase our exchanges with the rest of the world. And Americans should
make a serious effort to understand other cultures and learn foreign
languages. Our interaction with the rest of the world must be a
conversation, not a monologue. And America must remain open to visitors
and workers and students from around the world, without compromising our
security standards. If our public diplomacy efforts are to succeed, we
cannot close ourselves off from the world. And if I am confirmed, public
diplomacy will be a top priority for me and for the professionals I lead.
In all that lies ahead, the primary instrument of American diplomacy
will be the Department of State, and the men and women of its Foreign and Civil
Services and Foreign Service Nationals. The time for diplomacy is now -
and the President and I will expect great things from America's diplomatic
corps. We know from experience how hard they work, the risks they and
their families take, and the hardships they endure. We will be asking even
more of them, in the service of their country, and of a great cause. They
will need to develop new skills, and rise to new challenges. This time of
global transformation calls for transformational diplomacy. More than
ever, America's diplomats will need to be active in spreading democracy,
fighting terror, reducing poverty, and doing our part to protect the American
homeland. I will personally work to ensure that America's diplomats have
all the tools they need to do their jobs - from training to budgets to
mentoring to embassy security. I also intend to strengthen the recruitment
of new personnel, because American diplomacy needs to constantly hire and
develop top talent. And I will seek to further diversify the State
Department's workforce. This is not just a good cause; it is a
necessity. A great strength of our country is our diversity. And the
signal sent to the rest of the world when America is represented abroad by
people of all cultures, races, and religions is an unsurpassed statement about
who we are and what our values mean in practice.
Let me close with a
personal recollection. I was in government in Washington in 1989 to
1991. I was the Soviet specialist in the White House at the end of the
Cold War. I was lucky to be there, and I knew it. I got to
participate in the liberation of Eastern Europe. I got to participate in
the unification of Germany and to see the Soviet Union collapse. It was a
heady time for us all. But, when I look back, I know that we were merely
harvesting the good decisions that had been made in 1947, in 1948, and in 1949,
when Truman and Acheson and Vandenberg and Kennan and so many wise and
farsighted statesmen - in the Executive and Legislative branches - recognized
that we were not in a limited engagement with communism, we were in the defining
struggle of our times.
Democrats and Republicans united around a vision
and policies that won the Cold War. The road was not always smooth, but
the basic unity of purpose and values was there - and that unity was essential
to our eventual success. No President, and no Secretary of State, could
have effectively protected American interests in such momentous times without
strong support from the Congress, and from this Committee. And the same is
true today. Our task, and our duty is to unite around a vision and
policies that will spread freedom and prosperity around the globe. I have
worked directly with many of you. And in this time of great challenge and
opportunity, America's co-equal branches of government must work together to
advance freedom and prosperity.
In the preface to his memoirs, published
in 1969, Dean Acheson wrote of the post-war period that "those who acted in this
drama did not know, nor do any of us yet know, the end." Senators, now we know
- and many of us here bore witness to that end. The end was a victory for
freedom, the liberation of half a continent, the passing of a despotic empire -
and vindication for the wise and brave decisions made at the beginning. It
is my greatest hope - and my deepest conviction - that the struggle we face
today will some day end in a similar triumph of the human spirit. And
working together, we can make it so.
Thank you.
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![[Condoleezza Rice, speech, Natan Sharansky]](sharansky.gif)