Metternich (Clemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar von
Metternich-Winneburg) was born into an aristocratic family on May
15th, 1773, in Coblenz, Germany. The father of the family, Count
Francis George, was involved in diplomatic circles and, at the
time of his son Clemens' birth, was in the service of the
Habsburgs of Austria.
Metternich was educated privately by a series of tutors until
the age of fifteen, when his studies were continued at the
universities of Strasbourg (Philosophy 1788-90) and Mainz (Law
and Diplomacy 1790-2). His education at Strasbourg was
interrupted by the French revolution, he personally witnessed
revolutionary turmoils in that city, at Mainz he received first
hand accounts from many French émigrés as to
what they had endured because of the French revolution. From 1792
Metternich was brought into diplomatic circles through
involvement with his father's being an Austrian Diplomat in
Brussels. Metternich subsequently spent some time in England. In
1794 the Metternich family fled the revolutionary French armies
to Vienna the capital city of the Austrian Habsburgs. In
September 1795 Metternich married a twenty year old heiress, the
Countess Eleanor Kaunitz, who was a grand-daughter of the
Austrian Chancellor. She suited Metternich in that she was rich
and accepted at the very heart of Viennese society, and was as
prepared as Metternich himself was for their future together in
an "open" marriage.
Metternich served as an envoy to the Congress of Rastadt
(1797-9) and then as the Habsburg's ambassador to Saxony (1801),
Prussia (1803), and Napoleonic France (1806).
Metternich spent many months at the French Imperial court
where he became acquainted with many powerful persons both in the
court, and more widely in French society. After a war broke out
between France and Austria in early 1809 Metternich was placed in
confinement for a time in reprisal for an Austrian detention of
some French diplomatists. Metternich was released after several
weeks in exchange for the detained Frenchmen.
Napoleon
The Austrian state suffered a marked military reverse
inflicted by Napoleonic forces at a major battle of Wagram in
July. This defeat was followed by the agreement of a Treaty of
Schönbrunn of October 1809 that was most humiliating to
Austria costing her extensive territories and a huge financial
indemnity.
In October 1809 Metternich was appointed minister of foreign
affairs for the Habsburg state. In that role he worked
consistently and cautiously towards the erosion of Napoleon's
power. He recognised that Russian assistance in the future
against Napoleonic France was of the first importance in terms of
Austrian hopes for a recovery. He hoped to prevent Russia from
being drawn into any understanding with Napoleonic France and was
pleased to encourage a positive response to Napoleon's request
for the hand in marriage of a daughter of the House of Habsburg.
(Napoleon's first marriage having been deemed to be
invalid). Metternich accompanied the Austrian archduchess Marie Louise
(who had given her consent in the interests of the House of
Austria) to Paris in March 1810 (after the marriage had been
celebrated by proxy in Vienna) but nonetheless intended that
Austria would renew the war with Napoleonic France when the
circumstances were favourable to an Austrian success.
Metternich, in the autumn of 1811, came to believe that
Napoleon meant to attempt to decisively defeat Russia. He had
therefore to walk a tightrope of diplomacy where both Napoleon
and the Tsar were broadly happy with Austrian policy.
All Napoleon seemed to want was for Austria to remain neutral
and the Tsar seemed prepared to accept that Austria would be
prepared to ally with Russia if she had not been weakened by the
recent serious defeats she had suffered. In March 1812 Metternich
won Napoleon's consent for the formation of a thirty thousand
strong Austrian Auxiliary Corps that it was suggested would be
supportive of Napoleon's Russian campaign. This arrangement was
to be kept strictly secret. Also secret were Austrian and
Prussian contacts that showed both parties to be willing to defy
Napoleon should an opportunity arise.
Napoleon had come to see Russia as a serious obstacle to his
plans for the organisation of Europe. Napoleon led a gigantic
army deep into Russia, capturing Moscow, in 1812. All the courts
of western Europe considered it very likely that Napoleon's vast
forces would prevail. As the gigantic French army advanced it was
very largely denied an ability to live off the country due to the
Russians adopting a scorched earth policy as they
retreated.
At Borodino the Russians, faced with overwhelming force, did
make a fairly serious attempt to defend their capital but were
unable to prevent the advance of Napoleon's forces. The capture
of Moscow did not however involve a definitive defeat of the
Russians as they withdrew further to the east leaving an empty
and burning city to the advancing French. Napoleon seemed to
expect a Russian surrender that never came - had Napoleon
advanced even deeper into Russia there were still vast areas into
which Russian forces could withdraw without being defeated and
Napoleon's lines of supply or withdrawal to the west would have
been stretched even further. In time the onset of winter forced
the badly provisioned Napoleonic armies to attempt to travel
across many hundreds of miles, in the early weeks of a Russian
winter, whilst being harassed by the forces of the Tsar. As the
Napoleonic forces struggled back at terrible cost to western
Europe Prussian and other Germanic treaty allies of Napoleon
withdrew their support. Of the five hundred thousand men who had
been moved, at Napoleon's order, to assault Russia less than one
in ten served in the future as soldiers in Napoleonic
armies.
Metternich made a point of seeming, to Napoleon, to be
prepared to operate as an impartial mediator but was consistently
and carefully working towards throwing Austria's weight into the
conflict against Napoleonic France. The Russians obliged
Metternich by deploying soldiers in contrived battles in such a
way as to seem to threaten Austrian territory thus "tying down"
the Austrian Auxiliary Corps and making it unavailable to
Napoleon. Although Napoleon had the gravest suspicions that he
was being misled as to Austia's real policy Metternich kept up
this pretence of neutrality into June of 1813 when he attended a
personal meeting with Napoleon held in Dresden's Marcolini Palace
at a time (26th June) when Napoleon was being increasingly
pressed by his adversaries. At this meeting which lasted from a
quarter past eleven in the morning until half past eight in the
evening Metternich stated that Austria was free of "engagements"
and Napoleon sought to obtain a full commitment to his cause by
Austria.
"Our conference consisted of the oddest mixture of
heterogeneous subjects, characterized now by extreme
friendliness, now by the most violent outbursts of fury".
Napoleon occasionally raged or threatened but Metternich remained
calm. At one stage Napoleon let his hat, which he was holding
under his arm, drop to the floor. Although an Emperor had dropped
his hat Metternich did not stoop to pick it up.
Napoleon tried persuasion. "Your sovereigns", he said,
"who were born to their thrones cannot comprehend the feelings
that move me. To them it is nothing to return to their capitals
defeated. But I am a soldier. I need honour and glory. I cannot
reappear among my people devoid of prestige. I must remain great,
admired, covered with glory." For that reason, he said, he
could not accept the proposed conditions of peace. Metternich
replied, "But when will this condition of things cease, in
which defeat and victory are alike reasons for continuing these
dismal wars? If victorious, you insist upon the fruits of your
victory; if defeated, you are determined to rise again."
Napoleon made various offers for Austria's neutrality, but
Metternich declined all bargaining, and Napoleon's oft repeated
threat, "We shall meet in Vienna", was his ominous
farewell to Metternich.
Although Metternich could truthfully maintain that Austria was
free of "engagements" at this meeting had every intention of
signing a (second) Treaty of Reichenbach the next day by the
terms of which Austrian guaranteed to supply 150,000 men to
co-operate with Russia and Prussia against Napoleon.
On 20th October 1813, two days after Napoleon's forces
suffered at signal defeat at the battle of Leipzig, Metternich
was invested as an hereditary Prince of the Austrian
Empire.
With Russians, Prussians and Austrians opposed to Napoleonic
France advancing from the east and north and the British
advancing from the south and west Napoleonic France was
overthrown early in 1814. This eventual defeat of Napoleonic
France had been in many ways secured by Metternich's
diplomacy.
The Congress of Vienna & The Congress System
A great Congress was arranged to convene at Vienna in the
autumn of 1814. As the proceedings of the Congress of Vienna
continued amidst much lavish social festival diplomatists and
statesmen redrew the map of Europe after Napoleon's downfall. A
French Bourbon monarchy had been restored and was represented at
Vienna by Talleyrand who gradually won acceptance from other
diplomats that restoration France should be regarded as a major
power with a legitimate say in the efforts to define a
peace.
Although the several powers gathered at Vienna had formerly
been allies in war they strenuously disagreed amongst themselves
over the post war settlement of Europe. Metternich had many
talents which helped him to exercise a great influence on
proceedings. His charm, determination, subtlety and finesse
played a key role in frustrating Russia's plans for the
annexation of the whole of Poland and Prussia's attempt to absorb
Saxony. He succeeded in creating a German Confederation under
Austrian leadership and was broadly satisfied with the degree to
which Austria was influential in the Italian peninsula. The fact
that Napoleon escaped from Elba and again became leader of
sizeable armies that stayed in the field for some "one hundred
days" may have helped to concentrate the diplomats minds on the
need to reach agreement.
Metternich equally resented liberalism, nationalism, and
revolution regarding them all as forms of "presumption".
Metternich subscribed to a world view that dated from the
"European Enlightenment". That is he accepted that there were
certain fundamental laws relating to society which were open to
being discovered. By governing in line with such laws rulers
could have a greater hope that their societies would function in
a stable and tranquil equilibrium. Metternich believed that the
observation of the precepts of Religious and Social Morality to
be a primary necessity to governing in line with natural
laws. In Metternich's view the printing presses had made it a lot
easier to spread harmful ideas as well as beneficial ones. Such
things as the invention of Gunpowder and the monetary inflation
that had been experienced in Europe as the gold and silver of the
Americas were imported had greatly unsettled the previous social
equilibrium and prepared men's minds for the acceptance of new,
and often false, ideas. Such false ideas were then "presumptious"
in that they often tended to motivate people to support
socio-political movements that would seek to establish seemingly
attractive adaptions of society that were not in line with the
observance of fundamental laws.
Metternich's ideal was a monarchy that shared power with the
traditional privileged classes of society. In efforts to preserve
the sort of Europe he valued from future revolutionary irruptions
Metternich attempted to make the postwar Quadruple Alliance
(Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria) into an instrument
for preventing revolution in Europe. He encouraged a Congess
System where representatives of the powers were to meet
periodically with the view considering if it was necessary to
supress revolutionary movements. He was in favour of close
supervision of the universities and an ambitious system of
censorship intended to discourage radicalism of any kind. These
policies left Metternich open to being depicted as an architect
of Reaction and of a supressor of Liberty. It seems that the
Austrian Emperor, Francis I, was of a notably reactionary outlook
and this may well have helped to restrain any modest tendency
towards flexibilty that Metternich might have himself
favoured.
Several Congresses were held: Aix-la-Chapelle, 1818; Karlsbad
(a conference of ministers), 1819; Vienna, 1820; Troppau, 1820;
Laibach, 1821; and Verona, 1822.
In the event the Congress System did not long survive as there
were emergent "questions" such as the Greek Revolt (from 1821)
against Ottoman Turkish rule where the European powers could not
find it in themselves to all agree that the longstanding Ottoman
overlordship should be supported. Metternich opted to support a
continuation of historically established Ottoman Turkish rule.
The Russians (themselves mainly Orthodox Christians) for their
part were inclined to support the Orthodox Christian Greeks
partly in line with their own expansionary aims and partly in the
belief that Ottoman Turkey was in decay and thus it fell to
others to follow policies that would tend to provide a longer
term stability to the region. Public opinion in western Europe
and north America often tended to be Hellenophile attributing to
the Greeks of 1823 a close affinity with the Greeks of the
classical age and in this seeing a sufficient reason to support
the Greek insurgency against an oppressive Ottoman Turkey
rule.
Metternich's system was more generally tested by a spate of
liberalising revolutions widely across western Europe in 1830-1
where the rulers of many European States found it necessary, for
a time at least, to concede Constitutions to those they ruled. A
relatively reactionary French monarchy was replaced by a
relatively liberal one and Belgium began to be established as a
separate state from the Kingdom of the Netherlands into which it
had been incorporated in 1815 in order to provide a stronger
state more capable of withstanding French turbulences.
Whilst the system that Metternich had sought to establish to
withstand diverse populist aspirations was becoming increasingly
impractical given the increasing strength of those aspirations
and the increasing economic and political influence of the
broader populations within societies he nonetheless continued in
office until 1848 when another, and more serious, bout of
populist upsurgence led to his being advised that he had lost the
confidence of the Austrian Imperial caste.
Metternich resigned on 13th March 1848 and this was accepted
on 18th March. Metternich and his family relocated to England for
some eighteen months before returning to continent Europe
(Brussels). A popular assembly based in Vienna seized the
Metternich estates for its own purposes.
It was not until well into 1849 that Europe, and the Habsburg
lands were returned to their former systems of government. In the
case of Austria this had required Russian assistance in quelling
the independent mindedness of the Magyars of Hungary. Following
on from this recovery by the Habsburg authority the Metternich
estates were restored to him.
Metternich did not return to Vienna to live until September
1851 and it was in that city that he died on June 11th,
1859.
Only a few days before his death Metternich had been
interviewed by a writer named J.A. Hübner. During this
interview Metternich ruminated on his career and, as Hübner
was about to leave, Metternich, as if to himself,
muttered:-